7 10 68 https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/cb51-16/original/cf136130327fdb85954af473d8bc2d11.jpeg 26b53f83e8a1049e911d5ad1b1a88c68 Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Seal of Agallianos kommerkiarios of Abydos (X c.) Subject The topic of the resource Byzantine Lead Seal Description An account of the resource An 11th century lead seal of the Byzantine Period. On the obverse of the seal is a bust of Saint Nicholas blessing with his right and his left hand holding a book. On the reverse of the seal is an inscription written in Greek Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Agallianos kommerkiarios of Abydos Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Harvard Art Museum http://www.harvardartmuseums.org/collections/object/72596?position=26 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available President and Fellows of Harvard Art College Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 11th century Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Daniel Bailey Chr_Abydos Chr_Agallianos Chr_Byzantine Chr_Kommerikarios Chr_leadseal https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/cb51-16/original/af581d0d13685cae05cb11eb375ec39c.jpeg ba880550048de8732fc76803835f945c Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Seal of George imperial spatharios and kommerkiarios of Chalida (X c.) Subject The topic of the resource Byzantine Lead Seal Description An account of the resource A 10th century lead seal of the Byzantine Period. On the obverse of the seal is a peacock standing facing forward with its wings and tail outspread. On the obverse of the seal is an inscription written in Greek in the same format as most most Byzantine Lead seals owned by kommerkiarios of the Byzantine Period Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource George imperial spatharios and kommerkiarios of Chaldia Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Harvard Art Museum http://www.harvardartmuseums.org/collections/object/74319?position=4 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available President and Fellows of Harvard Art College Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10th century Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Daniel Bailey Chr_Byzantine Chr_Chalida Chr_Kommerikarios Chr_leadseal Chr_seal Chr_Spatharios https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/cb51-16/original/2814ea616111d368dc053296ce88c330.jpg 7da7c58e4ebe810b3a317b1858e29874 MOL Object An object to be described as part of the Medieval Object Lessons project Author(s) of the biographies Specifically identifies the author of the biography, separate from creator of the object Dan LaPointe What is it? This folio is a page out of an early Quran. The text, crafted in the early Kufic style, is made out of black ink and is written on parchment (1956.197). The dimensions of the folio are 23.1 x 32.5 cm, despite the claim on the Harvard Art Museum’s website that the dimensions are 18.2 x 25.9 cm. These revised dimensions put the folio within the size range of other similar looking folios that likely come from the same Quran. These folios can be found in the Harvard (2011.494), Princeton (1958-110), and Los Angeles County (M.73.5.502) Art Museums, and also at the Smithsonian Freer Collection (F1930.23). Looking at the two sides of the folio, one is immediately struck by how different the recto (right) and verso (left) sides look. While the verso side is smooth and vivid, the recto side is rough and faded. This makes sense given that the material is parchment, and that every page of parchment comes with a “hairy” side (Schimmel 4) that, unless very carefully prepared, is of inferior quality. This phenomenon – the presence of a beautifully preserved side and a terribly preserved side – is particularly common in early Quranic manuscripts (Schimmel 4). Moving on from the parchment, we may observe the physical properties of the text. The bulk of the markings on this page are in black ink which, on the verso side at least, has been remarkably well preserved. In addition to the black markings, we see red, yellow, green, and gold dots. The gold dots, located in the lower left corner of the verso side, indicate the end of a verse (Baker 22). The red, yellow, and green dots serve a subtler purpose - the notation of vowels. Finally, we may translate the text's content. From the beginning of the recto side we have the ending of Sura 49, Verse 15: “…and His Messenger and then doubt not but strive with their properties and their lives in the cause of Allah. It is those who are the truthful (Al-Hujurat 49:15).” At this point the text reaches a peculiar marking indicating the end of a fifth verse. From there we read Verse 16, which continues onto and rounds out the verso side: “Say, would you acquaint Allah with your religion while Allah knows whatever is in the heavens and whatever is on the earth, and Allah is Knowing of all things?” (Al-Hujurat 49:16). Why was it made? Before answering this question we must make an important observation. Take a look at the leftmost (last) word of the top line of the verso side: nikum. The two small vertical lines at the beginning give us the nun character, and its associated “n” sound (Khan 78). The two horizontally stretched lines with the diagonal uptick at the end mark the Kufic kaf and provide us with the “k” sound (Khan 73). Finally, the rounded symbol at the end of the word is the mim character, which indicates an “m” sound (Khan 77). Putting all of this together we have the word “nkm.” Noticeably, the vowels are missing. This phenomenon was common in early Qurans. Nevertheless, scribes made modest efforts to clear up the meanings of certain ambiguous words. Hence the colored dots denoting vowel sounds (Baker 20). Note, however, that the colored dots don’t account for nearly all of the necessary vowel markings. The aforementioned "nkm" was assumed to be enough to jog the reader’s memory. This suggests something important regarding this manuscript – its main purpose was to aid the reader in reciting something he already knew. The Quran, like almost everything else in Arab culture, had a rich history of oral transmission. Memorizing the spoken word was what really mattered. These early books were meant to facilitate that process. Who made it? The 49:16 folio, and all of the other folios that have been mentioned, are unsigned. This doesn’t mean that their Quran as a whole is unsigned (after all, it wouldn’t make much sense for the scribe to place his signature in the middle of the book). Regardless, the writers of most early Kufic Qurans are unknown (Schimmel 6). This may reflect a number of different phenomena: poor preservation of pages containing signatures, an actual tradition of not signing Qurans, production by numerous scribes in a workshop rendering attribution irrelevant, etc. Regardless, we may still wonder what sort of person would have penned the 49:16 folio. Scribes came from a variety of backgrounds; any sufficiently promising youth in the city could, in theory, rise through the ranks and become a calligrapher. Nevertheless, most scribes came from certain families with a history in the practice (Bennison 100). A potential scribe would start learning how to write in his early years, usually at the age of eight or nine (Schimmel 46), and would all the while train under a master. After reaching a certain level of skill, usually in his twenties, the student would become a bona fide scribe, and would be granted permission to work (Schimmel 36). Where was it produced? The information on the Harvard Art Museum’s website suggests that this folio was produced in Iraq (1956.197). Kufa, the city from which the Kufic script acquired its name, is located in Iraq, and it would certainly make sense if the 49:16 folio came from that influential city. Interestingly, the Princeton Art Museum’s website claims that its folio, which almost certainly comes from the same place as the 49:16 folio, is Egyptian (1958-110). Perhaps this label refers to where the folio was acquired – i.e. after being written in Kufa it could have ended up in an Egyptian bazaar. Or maybe the label indicates that the manuscript was indeed written in Egypt. With only this information, however, the origin of this manuscript cannot be deduced. Where did it go? Since the exact origins of the folio are unclear, it wouldn’t make much sense to tell a chronological story of where it went. Instead, let us work backwards. According to the Harvard Art Museum’s website, this folio was acquired as an “Anonymous Gift in memory of Rudolph Meyer Riefstahl” in 1956, a full twenty years after Riefstahl had died (1956.197). The anonymous donor was almost certainly his wife Elizabeth. In September of 1956 she had retired from her job in Brooklyn and moved to live with her daughter in South Essex (Guzman 8). This folio, along with a page from an Ottoman manuscript (1956.196), may very well have been Elizabeth’s gift to her new home the Boston area. At this point it’s worth noting the provenance of three other folios that have been mentioned. Princeton acquired its folio in 1958 (1958-110). While the website doesn’t state explicitly where the page came from, an Ottoman folio donated at the same exact time (judging by the classification numbers) was gifted in Rudolph Riefstahl’s name (1958-111). This suggests that Elizabeth was once again responsible. The second Harvard folio was acquired from the Los Angeles County Museum of Art in 2011 (which is, perhaps less than coincidentally, the location of the thrid folio), and can “probably” be traced back to Rudolph Riefstahl (2011.494). If all of these folios can be traced back to Rudolph and Elizabeth Riefstahl, a question then arises: did they own the entire Quran that these folios came from? Probably not – it wouldn’t make a whole lot of sense for Elizabeth to rip out and anonymously donate one page of a manuscript to an art museum when there’s a library devoted to collecting old books (Houghton) right around the corner. Instead, the Riefstahls likely bought a few pages from a dealer in the Middle East who may have had access to the entire Quran, and who, in order to boost profits, decided to sell it one page at a time. Tracing the history of the folio back any further than this is next to impossible. When was it made? The Harvard Art Museum's website dates this folio to the 9th Century (1956.197). By modern standards, dating something within a hundred-year time span isn’t very good. By medieval standards, though, this date is rather precise. How is it that we are able to achieve this level of accuracy? A few factors can give us information relating to when this manuscript was made - namely, the style of the writing, and the fact that the manuscript is made of parchment. This manuscript, as was stated earlier, was written in the early Kufic style. Said style – which is remarkably distinct, with its large, bold, horizontally stretched letters – was one of the first Arabic calligraphic forms to develop. The Kufic style reached its peak in the 9th century and 10th Centuries (Baker 18), and for this reason we are able to date manuscripts written in this form. But how did we manage to figure out when the Kufic style was around in the first place? That the bulk of Kufic manuscripts – including the 49:16 folio – were written on parchment (Schimmel 4) is telling. For a long time, parchment was the default material on which scribes would write. Only later, following the Battle of Talas in 751, and the slow westward spread of papermaking thereafter, would papermaking become popular. But once paper caught on, parchment fell almost completely out of use. Any manuscript written on parchment, therefore, must have been around before paper became the default that it is today. How was it made? Creating this folio, and the entire manuscript of which it was a part, would have been no small task. Producing a single Quran would have required parchment, ink, qalams (writing utensils), and paid scribal labor. Parchment was made from the stretched and dried skin of dead animals. The slaughtered animal in this case may have been a goat, or perhaps a young calf (Blair 73). Parchment produced from the skin of calves was valued for its smooth texture, and was known in the Western world as “vellum.” Note that the Princeton Art Museum’s website describes its folio, which likely comes from the same Quran as the 49:16 manuscript, as being written on vellum (1958-110). The remarkable quality of the verso side of these folios may corroborate this fact. The black ink, meanwhile, would have been produced from ground-up carbon, i.e. charcoal (Khan 23). The qalam would have been made out of a roughly ten-inch-long cut of the Arundo donax plant, a species of giant reed (Khan 22), and the actual writing of this manuscript would have taken place in a workshop with numerous scribes collectively toiling away at the Quran’s many verses (Khan 15). Material Composition Ink and gold on parchment Functional Category Manuscript Rights Contact information of object holders; copyright disclaimers http://www.harvardartmuseums.org/collections/object/193807?q=1956.197 Identifier Museum inventory number or library shelf number 1956.197 Sources and Further Reading Bibliographic material related to the object Baker, Colin F. Qur'an Manuscripts: Calligraphy, Illumination, Design. London: British Library, 2007. Print. Bennison, Amira K. The Great Caliphs: The Golden Age of the 'Abbasid Empire. New Haven: Yale UP, 2009. Print. Blair, Sheila S. "Transcribing God's Word: Qur'an Codices in Context." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 10.1 (2008): 72-97. Web. 10 Oct. 2016. Guzman, Diane. "Women in Old World Archaeology." Women in Old World Archaeology. Brown University, n.d. Web. 11 Nov. 2016. Khan, Gabriele Mandel. Arabic Script: Styles, Variants, and Calligraphic Adaptations. New York: Abbeville, 2001. Print. N.d. MS 1956.196, Harvard Art Museum. Harvard University. Web. 10 Oct. 2016. N.d. MS 1956.197, Harvard Art Museum. Harvard University. 10 Oct. 2016. N.d. MS 2011.494, Harvard Art Museum. Harvard University. Web. 10 Oct. 2016. N.d. MS M.73.5.502, Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Web. 10 Oct. 2016. N.d. MS 1958-110, Princeton University Art Museum. Princeton University. Web. 10 Oct. 2016. N.d. MS 1958-111, Princeton University Art Museum. Princeton University. Web. 10 Oct. 2016. N.d. MS F1930.23, Freer Gallery of Art. Smithsonian Institution. Web. 10 Oct. 2016. Schimmel, Annemarie. Calligraphy and Islamic Culture. New York: New York UP, 1984. Print. "Al-Hujurat." Quran. N.p., n.d. Web. 11 Nov. 2016. How was it used? The wide margins and large script indicate a disregard for efficiency; whoever ordered the production of this Quran worried little about the cost of parchment. Indeed, this particular Quran might have been part of a multi-volume set. Thirty volume sets in particular became popular around this time (Baker 30). All of this suggests that this Quran may have been commissioned and purchased by a relatively wealthy individual. The buyer would have kept the manuscript in his home and would have taken it out periodically to help him pray (Baker 30). Assuming this life story for the 49:16 folio, the remarkable preservation of the ink makes sense – whoever owned this manuscript cherished it and handled it with care. If one is willing to abandon this “private owner” hypothesis, however, an intriguing alternative becomes available. It is known that during this time period the city of Kufa (a proposed creation place for this manuscript) had a boisterous school that taught hundreds of children how to read (Bennison 163). This Quran, with its incredibly large and bold script, may have also fit well in a classroom setting. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Folio from a Kufic Quran Folio from a Kufic Quran Description An account of the resource This folio contains part of Chapter 49, Verse 15, and the entirety of Verse 16. In the descriptions below we simply refer to it as "the 49:16 folio." Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived http://www.harvardartmuseums.org/collections/object/193807?q=1956.197 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 9th Century Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Dan LaPointe Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Ink and gold on parchment Language A language of the resource Arabic Arabic Kufic manuscript Quran Riefstahl https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/cb51-16/original/189cd984e398c541abaa7a2b75217f2d.jpeg 8775a8c95ee2a12efc5752d148ddda39 MOL Object An object to be described as part of the Medieval Object Lessons project Author(s) of the biographies Specifically identifies the author of the biography, separate from creator of the object Daniel Bailey What is it? This is a tenth century Byzantine lead seal of an individual named Constantine, an imperial strator and kommerkiarioi of the West during his time. A depiction of an athlete with a broad neck and straight nose wearing a crown is presented on the obverse of the seal, and an inscription written in Greek (which can be read as: Lord help your servant Constantine, Imperial strator and kommerkiarios of the West) on the reverse of the seal.("Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (tenth Century).” )This seal can be dated some time around the 10th century and was created in Eastern Europe during the Byzantine Period, more specifically during the reign of Constantine VII who ruled from 945 A.D. and 959 A.D. (President and Fellows of Harvard College. "Seal of Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (X C.).") Why was it made? This seal served a dual purpose: to verify and secure the contents which it held. Like other Byzantine seals, it was used to verify that the documents they were sent with were authorized and came from the individual from which it stated it was from. It was a way to prove that the contents that the seal contained had not been unsealed or tampered with. Essentially, lead seals were used to lock official and private correspondence as well as to authenticate documents. The use of seals became a form of document security and way for individuals to present their status and repute in the Byzantine society. (Oikonomides, 1985, 3-8) These included individuals such as the ones who played roles in the Church as well as higher status individuals, such as those in the bureaucracy of the Byzantine Empire. This lead seal was used by a government official in the West of the Byzantine Empire, particularly around the Balkan Peninsula. He would have used this seal in order to make known to the individual receiving the correspondence of documents he sent that it indeed came from him, and if the seal remained intact, the contents of such letter would not have been compromised. (“Online Catalogue of Byzantine Seals”). The choice of the inscription on the seal would have been something personal to the individual who made the seal as well. In this case, the choice of an athlete reflects the more secular aspects present in the Byzantine Empire at the time that this individual might have enjoyed: thus one could speculate that the individual Constantine was one who could have enjoyed athletics and/or sports of his time. Whether or not he participated in athletics is unclear. “Lord help your servant Constantine” is the phrase inscribed on the seal: this personal prayer on the seal is reflective of the Christian elements heavy in the Byzantine Empire at this time, as well as allows one to see the personal aspect of the choice of words inscribed on the seal: this phrase on the seal would have been something chosen by Constantine himself and the reason why is something only he could have known. Finally, the individual states his status and repute in society as high standing government official: a recipient of the documents the seal held would know exactly who it was coming from, and thus be able to identify based on the seal whether or not it was indeed authentic and if the seal were not broken, know as well the contents had not been compromised.(Cheynet, Jean-Claude, and Claudia Sode, 2003)<br /><p class="p1"><span class="s1"> </span></p> Who made it? Although the exact person cannot be stated in the making of this seal, one could definitely speculate that a craftsman specializing in seals, appointed by Constantine, would have created the personal boulloterion for Constantine's use. As this is an iron-forged tool used in the sealing of blanks, one could definitely speculate that a blacksmith was in charge of creating the signature look that would be engraved in the tool for Constantine's use. Constantine would have had a seal made for him based on his repute and standing in society. Based on the inscription of the seal, one can deduce based on his rank, office, and level of authority in society as to why he would have a seal made. According to the seal, in addition to the honorific title of strator, Constantine was a Kommerkiarioi. The Kommerikarioi was a <span class="s1"><span class="s1">monetary government position responsible for the collecting of the ten percent tax on merchandise in the Byzantine empire, particularly in the ninth and tenth century. A kommerkiarioi (a financial official in the Byzantine Empire)  was positioned with a city or region, and in this case Constantine was the kommerkiarioi of the West, which allows one to deduce that he was the tax collector of a part of the Balkan Peninsula (they’re would have definitely been other Kommerkiaroi in the West, each with their own city and region), as well as their own personal seal as well. As a government official in charge of the collection of taxes, it would have been important that information regarding the finances of the empire, particularly the Balkan peninsula, would have to have some form of security and officiating in order to avoid falsified documents claiming to come from Constantine. Constantine would have had his personal boulloterion made in order to make seals like this one, seal that he could attach to his official government documents so individuals who would receive these documents would know that they were in fact from who they said they were from. ("Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (tenth Century).” ) </span></span> <p class="p1"><span class="s1"> </span></p> Where was it produced? No precise location can be given as to the exact origin of the seal's making. However, as this is a Byzantine seal, it is safe to assume that it was made somewhere in Eastern Europe. As it belonged to the Western Byzantine section, the object could have been made in the Bulkan Peninsula by a craftsman or ironsmith who specialized in the making of boulloterion ("Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (tenth Century)").  Where did it go? The seal belonged to the Imperial Stator and the Kommerkiaroi of the West, it is safe to assume that this seal traveled much around the Balkan Peninsula, particularly around the Byzantine West. However, it can be stated that Byzantine seals traveled all around the Byzantine Empire, so a seal such as this one would have made its way much around the entirety of the Byzantine state, especially since it belonged to an individual with a fiscal government role. ("Seal of Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (X C.).") ("Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (tenth Century)"). When was it made? Although the precise date is not known, this seal was made circa 10th century sometime around the reign of Constantine VII, who ruled solely from 945 to 959 A.D. ("Seal of Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (X C.)." How was it used? This seal would have been used on a document, letter, or piece of paper sent by the Kommerkiaroi of the West at the time. This seal would have been his official "signature" on his document, in order to let it be known that it came from him. It would have been used to secure his documents, as well as make sure that those he corresponded with knew what they were receiving was official, as it contained the seal of the Imperial strator and Kommerkiarioi of the West. (Oikonomides, 1985, 3-10) ("Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (tenth Century)"). How was it made? Byzantine seals were more than often made from lead, (but could be made from gold, bronze, or silver) and would begin as two blank rounded discs of whatever material used to make them in slate moulds. Each blank would have a hollow channel running through the center, which would allow for the string to be threaded to the document. pressed against the strings that were attached to the document, letter, or paper they were meant to secure.The particular design of the specific seal woudl be careved on a pair of dies. A Boulloterion, a form of pliers would then be used to held these two dies. Now that these pliers held the images or writing ingrained in them,they would then be pressed on the two lead circles together in order to give the seal its custom and unique depiction. The striking of the seal would also help the channel or center of the blanks collapse around the string. (Oikonomides 1985, 3-5) ("Introduction") (“Online Catalogue of Byzantine Seals”) Material Composition This seal was made from Lead (Pb). It has a diameter of 25 millimeters and and a net weight of 10.79 grams. <br /><br />("Seal of Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (X C.)") ("Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (tenth Century)"). Identifier Museum inventory number or library shelf number 1951.31.5.1748 Sources and Further Reading Bibliographic material related to the object "Byzantine Seals." The Barber Institute of Fine Arts. University of Birmingham, 31 Jan. 2014. Web. 23 Oct. 2016. Cheynet, Jean-Claude, and Claudia Sode. Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. Leipzig: K.G. Saur, 2003. Print. "Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (tenth Century)." Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. Dumbarton Oaks, n.d. Web. 09 Oct. 2016. "Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos (945–959)." Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. Dumbarton Oaks, n.d. Web. 23 Oct. 2016. "Introduction: Byzantine Seals and Sigliography." Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. Dumbarton Oaks, n.d. Web. 23 Oct. 2016. Lopez, Robert Sebastian. "Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus." Encyclopedia Britannica Online. Encyclopedia Britannica, n.d. Web. 10 Oct. 2016. Nesbitt, John. Catalogue of Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum of Art. Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Libr. and Coll, 2009. Print. "Online Catalogue of Byzantine Seals." Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. Dumbarton Oaks, n.d. Web. 23 Oct. 2016. Oikonomidès, Nicolas. Byzantine Lead Seals. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1985. Print. Oikonomidès, Nicolas. A Collection of Dated Byzantine Lead Seals. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1986. Print. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Seal of Constantine imperial strator and kommerkiarios of the West (X c.) Seal of Constantine imperial strator and kommerkiarios of the West (X c.) Subject The topic of the resource Byzantine Lead Seal Description An account of the resource A 10th century lead seal of the Byzantine Period. The obverse of the has a depiction of an athlete wearing a crown. The reverse has an inscription written in Greek. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Kommerikarioi of the Bulkan Peninsula Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Harvard Art Museum http://www.harvardartmuseums.org/collections/object/73138?position=2 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available President and Fellows of Harvard Art College Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Sometime around the reign of Constantine VII (r. 945-959) Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Daniel Bailey Chr_Byzantine Chr_ConstantineVII Chr_Kommerikarios Chr_leadseal Chr_seal Chr_Strator https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/cb51-16/original/8805954ee0656f113b479a53b261829f.jpeg 1f3ad7f222e26210979870406481b537 MOL Object An object to be described as part of the Medieval Object Lessons project Author(s) of the biographies Specifically identifies the author of the biography, separate from creator of the object Jason Rosenberg What is it? This is a medieval panel painting depicting Christ as the Man of Sorrows with the Arma Christi interspersed around him. The Man of Sorrows image is an intriguing and unique depiction of the Passion, in part because it does not represent a specific scene from the Bible (Belting 1980/1981, 4). Rather, Christ is found in a “state of living death” (Eisler 1969, 233). For example, in this painting Christ is in his tomb (accompanied by a grieving Mary and St. John) with his hands crossed in a funereal manner, but he is standing instead of lying down; the Cross is located behind him and his wounds are fresh, but he is no longer nailed to the Cross (Belting 1980/1981, 6; Harvard Art Museums, Object Files; Schiller 1971, 213). As the eye moves upwards from the tomb’s inhabitants, several scenes from the Passion are depicted in brief (e.g. the Agony in the Garden) until one reaches the transfigured image of Christ at the apex of the painting (Schiller 1971, 213; Harvard Art Museums, Object Files). Throughout the painting, the Arma Christi are depicted, which are the instruments used against Christ up until the Crucifixion (“Arma Christi” 2013). The Arma Christi, often coupled with the Man of Sorrows in medieval artwork, are almost all present in this panel painting (“Arma Christi” 2013). This suggests a comprehensive account of the Passion that sets the scene for the image of the Man of Sorrows, which by itself lacks a reference to a specific Biblical event. Regarding the object as a whole, it measures 68.6 x 42.9 x 4.6 cm including the frame (Harvard Art Museums, “The Man of Sorrows”). This seems somewhat small for the amount of detail and the number of icons contained within the painting, and more so given the object’s function as is described in another section. The wood is likely poplar, which has warped over time (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files; Meagher 2010; “Panel Painting” 2013). The ground almost certainly consists of a “very thick” layer of gesso, on which gold leaf and egg tempera paint are applied (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files). There is a significant amount of gilding in the image itself, such as on the halos and the sun as well as on the front face of the frame. Finally, the originality of the frame is unknown, although at the very least, given its somewhat battered appearance, it is not modern. No signs of the past presence of hinges can be found on the frame, but on the other hand the panel painting’s shape seems fitting for a diptych or triptych. In fact, this panel is believed, based on an eighteenth-century text, to be the middle panel of a polyptych (Wilkins 1974, 129). Why was it made? As is discussed further in other sections, this panel painting was originally located in the Santa Maria Incoronata church in Naples, Italy (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files). This church was built in 1352, just two years prior to the likely date of the panel painting’s creation following the coronation of Louis and Giovanna I (anglicized as Joanna I), the Queen of Naples (Crowe and Cavalcaselle 1903, 95-96). Thus, it is probable that the panel painting was commissioned alongside the construction of the church as part of the interior decoration. The image of the Man of Sorrows was likely chosen for its emotional and spiritual effect on the viewer. Italian artists depicting the Passion wanted the audience to feel Christ’s suffering, especially in the time of the Black Death when it became important to give the populace’s strife a religious basis (Sorabella 2008; Clifton 1997, 20-22). The Man of Sorrows was a powerful way of evoking such emotions, and indeed it was used not only in painting but also in illuminated manuscripts such as Books of Hours (Boynton 2013, 117). In this panel painting, we see the wounded body of Christ wearing the Crown of Thorns, standing in his own tomb. If this were not enough to move the viewer to grief, we see a heartbroken Mary gesturing for us to behold the injustices done to Christ. The presence of the Arma Christi, too, are designed for the same purpose. Gertrud Schiller notes, “The devotions of the Arma Christi were connected with pardon or a promise of protection that assured Christ’s mercy to him who suffered with him” (Schiller 1971, 191). The question arises, however, if churchgoers could actually see the Arma Christi and other details of the panel painting. I note in another section that for a church altarpiece, the panel is relatively small in size. Certainly, priests and other holy figures near the altar would be able to view the painting in detail, which is fitting as they would be the ones most capable of understanding the significance of the Arma Christi images. For the common worshippers in the church, though, it does not seem that the intricate details of Oderisi’s work would be visible to them. The features of the panel become blurred when one stands far away from it, but one thing stands out: the body of Christ. It is the lightest colored part of the painting, and it pops out at the viewer amidst the dark blue background. While we cannot know whether or not Oderisi intended this effect, it is intriguing to think that when all other aspects of the painting disappeared in the eyes of its churchgoing audience, Christ remained. Who made it? Bernard Berenson identifies the artist of this painting as Roberto Oderisi of Naples (Berenson 1923, 72). He based this identification on the similarity of this panel painting to the frescoes of the Incoronata and to the Eboli Crucifixion panel painting at the Church of San Francesco, the latter of which is signed by Oderisi (Berenson 1923, 72-75). Very little is known of Oderisi, but his stylistic influences have been widely recognized. Namely, in Oderisi’s artwork the influence of Pietro Cavallini, Simone Martini, and Giotto are apparent (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files; Berenson 1923, 72-75). Giotto in particular held an enormous sway over late medieval Italian painters, leading to more depth and natural human features in their work (Meagher 2010). Lastly, one may wish to search this panel painting for an image of Oderisi, but it is exceedingly doubtful that any of the figures in the work are self-portraits of the artist. In the sixteenth century, Giorgio Vasari identified many late medieval self-portraits, including ones produced by Giotto (Ames-Lewis 2000, 211-212). However, scholarship now suggests that Vasari’s identifications in early works are dubious at best (Ames-Lewis 2000, 212). In fact, Professor Francis Ames-Lewis of the University of London states, “No autonomous self-portrait is…known before the early fifteenth century” (Ames-Lewis 2000, 212-213). Nevertheless, certain Renaissance artists such as Albrecht Dürer claimed that artists have an innate tendency to paint figures that look like themselves (Ames-Lewis 2000, 210-211). Perhaps, then, when we stare at Peter, John, or even the sleeping guard in the bottom-left corner of Oderisi’s painting, we are staring at vague likenesses of Oderisi himself. Where was it produced? Since the artist, the Neapolitan Roberto Oderisi, is known, it is almost certain that this panel painting was produced in or around Naples, Italy. This southern Italian origin is corroborated by a number of facts. First, medieval European panel paintings were constructed out of many different woods, but in Italy poplar was dominant (Meagher 2010; “Panel Painting” 2013). Indeed, conservationists have noted that Oderisi’s panel is most likely made of poplar (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files). In addition, the depiction of the Man of Sorrows had been present in the Byzantine Empire for several centuries (Belting 1980/1981, 5-6; Eisler 1969, 235). Since southern Italy was part of the Byzantine Empire until 1071, and trade between the two regions continued to flourish after the split, it is unsurprising to find the Byzantine Man of Sorrows in Naples (Meagher 2010). Finally, the extensive use of gold leaf in this panel painting is found in many other late medieval Italian works (Passeri 2015, 102-103). Where did it go? This panel painting was originally located in the Santa Maria Incoronata church in Naples in the mid-fourteenth century (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files). Its function there is discussed in another section. It seems that it remained in this location for several centuries, since there is a text from the 1700s that mentions this panel painting as being located in the Incoronata (Wilkins 1974, 129). This long-term stay in the church is supported by the good condition of the painting, as if it did move about for a long period of time it is difficult to imagine that the quality of the panel would have been preserved. If we do assume that the panel painting was still in the Incoronata in the eighteenth century, then a possible period of turmoil in which the panel could have been removed is the Napoleonic Wars in the beginning of the nineteenth century. It should be stressed, nevertheless, that the time when the panel left the church truly is unknown. In the summer of 1922, Bernard Berenson spotted the panel painting in Florence and proceeded to urge his acquaintance Grenville Winthrop to purchase it (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files). Winthrop, a well-known art collector, then possessed the painting for more than a decade before the Fogg Art Museum acquired it in 1937 (Harvard Art Museums, “The Man of Sorrows”). When was it made? The panel painting is believed to have been created around 1354 (Harvard Art Museums, “The Man of Sorrows”; Harvard Art Museums, Object Files). This is due to the stylistic traits it closely shares with the frescoes in the Santa Maria Incoronata church in Naples, which have been dated to that decade (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files; Berenson 1923, 72-75). This dating to the late Middle Ages is supported by a variety of evidence. Panel paintings were popular in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries in Italy, particularly as altarpieces (Meagher 2010; “Panel Painting” 2013). In addition, in this period in Italy, gold leaf was derived from gold coins, and the “return to gold in Italy’s monetary system in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries is reflected in works of art by an extensive and increasing use of gold leaf” (Passeri 2015, 102-103). Fittingly, this panel painting incorporates gold leaf in a number of locations, from the halos to the gilt frame (if taken to be original). Moreover, as Bernard Berenson notes, surrounding Christ’s head are “hands making signs of contempt, a youth blowing a horn, [and] a citizen spitting” (Berenson 1923, 70). The Mocking of Christ was only present in Italian art since the eleventh century, which puts a lower bound on the panel’s date of origin (Hourihane 2013, 31). How was it used? This panel painting was created for use in the church of Santa Maria Incoronata in Naples, where it seems to have remained for several centuries as described in another section (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files). In fact, it is believed to have been the main panel in a polyptych that formed the church’s altarpiece (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files; Wilkins 1974, 129). This prominent location is particularly interesting given the painting’s small size, as it seems unlikely that many of its details could be perceived from the pews. Nevertheless, such a location is supported by the presence of blisters in the paint, which may have been cause by candle flames (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files). These small blisters can be seen, for instance, in the vicinity of Christ’s right hand. The subject matter of the painting is fitting for a late medieval church, as the Man of Sorrows and Arma Christi were devotional subjects in which viewers could share in Christ’s suffering in accordance with the Bible’s command (Schiller 1971, 191-198). How was it made? The panel is likely constructed from dried planks of poplar, as is common for medieval Italian panel paintings (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files; Meagher 2010). While poplar is vulnerable to warping, it has the benefit of coming in large widths so fewer planks need to be joined together (“Panel Painting” 2013). The planks would be glued together using size, a derivative of animal skin, and oftentimes the frame would then be attached (Meagher 2010; “Panel Painting” 2013). Next, gesso would have been applied as a ground, in a particularly thick layer for this panel (Meagher 2010; Harvard Art Museums, Object Files). Clay called bole would be used to smooth the panel’s surface, followed by the application of gold leaf (Meagher 2010). This gold would be derived from Italian gold coins, and after burnishing it would be decorated using various metal rods known as punches (Meagher 2010; Passeri 2015, 102-103; Thompson 1956, 223-224). Lastly, egg tempera paint would be applied, which has the unique benefit of retaining its color as it ages (Thompson 1956, 63). Material Composition Tempera and gold on panel Functional Category Devotional object Rights Contact information of object holders; copyright disclaimers Harvard Art Museums Identifier Museum inventory number or library shelf number 1937.49 Sources and Further Reading Bibliographic material related to the object Ames-Lewis, Francis. The Intellectual Life of the Early Renaissance Artist. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000. “Arma Christi.” In Grove Encyclopedia of Medieval Art and Architecture. Oxford University Press, 2013. www.oxfordreference.com.ezp-prod1.hul.harvard.edu/view/10.1093/acref/ 9780195395365.001.0001/acref-9780195395365-e-141?rskey=7EbBrI&result=141. Belting, Hans. “An Image and Its Function in the Liturgy: The Man of Sorrows in Byzantium.” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 34/35 (1980/1981): 1-16. Berenson, Bernard. “A Panel by Roberto Oderisi.” Art in America 11 (1923): 69-76. Boynton, Susan. “From Book to Song: Texts Accompanying the Man of Sorrows in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries.” In New Perspectives on the Man of Sorrows, edited by Catherine Puglisi and William Barcham, 117-146. Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, 2013. Clifton, James. The Body of Christ in the Art of Europe and New Spain, 1150-1800. Munich: Prestel, 1997. Crowe, Joseph, and Giovanni Cavalcaselle. Giotto and the Giottesques. Vol. 2, A History of Painting in Italy. London: John Murray, 1903. Eisler, Colin. “The Golden Christ of Cortona and the Man of Sorrows in Italy: Part Two.” The Art Bulletin 51 (1969): 233-246. Harvard Art Museums. “The Man of Sorrows.” Object files. Accessed October 19, 2016. Hourihane, Colum. “Defining Terms: Ecce Homo, Christ of Pity, Christ Mocked, and the Man of Sorrows.” In New Perspectives on the Man of Sorrows, edited by Catherine Puglisi and William Barcham, 19-47. Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, 2013. Meagher, Jennifer. “Italian Painting of the Later Middle Ages.” The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Last modified September 2010. www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/iptg/hd_iptg.htm. “Panel Painting.” In Grove Encyclopedia of Medieval Art and Architecture. Oxford University Press, 2013. www.oxfordreference.com.ezp-prod1.hul.harvard.edu/view/10.1093/acref/ 9780195395365.001.0001/acref-9780195395365-e-1745?rskey=I3Sddn&result=1. “The Man of Sorrows.” Harvard Art Museums. Accessed October 24, 2016. http://www.harvardartmuseums.org/art/230884. Passeri, Irma. “Gold coins and gold leaf in early Italian paintings.” In The matter of art: Materials, practices, cultural logistics, c. 1250-1750, edited by Christy Anderson, Anne Dunlop, and Pamela H. Smith, 97-115. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2015. Schiller, Gertrud. The Passion of Jesus Christ. Vol. 2, Iconography of Christian Art. Translated by Janet Seligman. London: Lund Humphries, 1971. Sorabella, Jean. “The Crucifixion and Passion of Christ in Italian Painting.” The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Last modified June 2008. www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/pass/hd_pass.htm. Thompson, Daniel. The Materials and Techniques of Medieval Painting. New York: Dover, 1956. Wilkins, David. “Review of I pittori alla corte Angioina di Napoli, 1266-1414, e un riesame dell' arte nell'età fridericiana by Ferdinando Bologna.” The Art Bulletin 56 (1974): 127-130. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Man of Sorrows The Man of Sorrows Description An account of the resource This is a fourteenth-century panel painting by Roberto Oderisi of Naples depicting the Man of Sorrows and the Arma Christi. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Roberto Oderisi Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Harvard Art Museums http://www.harvardartmuseums.org/art/230884 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource c. 1354 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Jason Rosenberg Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Harvard Art Museums chr_1400s geo_Italy thm_ArmaChristi thm_ManOfSorrows https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/cb51-16/original/de393bddc1dd33b23a0614b77074d053.jpg 30fa5aa1592179b4fab9fafc97b1ed6f MOL Object An object to be described as part of the Medieval Object Lessons project Author(s) of the biographies Specifically identifies the author of the biography, separate from creator of the object Tim Cammarata Rights Contact information of object holders; copyright disclaimers Harvard Art Museum What is it? This is a lamp/censer which boasts five scenes from the life of Christ: the Annunciation, the Nativity, the Baptism, the Crucifixion, and the Women at the Tomb. The angel Gabriel and Mary are visible in the first scene, signifying the Annunciation, at which Gabriel proclaimed that Mary would conceive Jesus. In the Nativity scene, the baby Jesus is seen in a manger, with two animals close behind him (possibly an ox and ass) and Mary and Joseph on opposite sides. Next, in the Baptism scene, John the Baptist is seen baptizing Jesus, accompanied by a dove (representing the Holy Spirit) and an angel. The Crucifixion scene depicts Jesus on the cross, along with two figures on opposite sides of him. Two faces appear above each of Christ’s hands as well, but neither is distinguishable. Finally, the tomb scene depicts two women on opposite sides of a symbolic tomb of Christ. The tomb depicted appears more like a tent for a king, which might be seen in processions. As Jesus was more than likely buried in a cave (at least according to scripture), the tomb depicted here must have been symbolic of Jesus’s role as the savior of the people. The scenes described above are quite common in many works of art in the Middle Ages and beyond. Aside from their presence on numerous other censers, these scenes are seen in many paintings. The Crucifixion, especially, is recreated in statue/model form, especially in Catholic churches. While the scenes may not be recreated exactly, common pairs, such as Madonna and Child, appear consistently in art from the Middle Ages. Scenes such as these were relatable for many believers, as they reflected scripture and offered visual representations of Christ and his life. This censer appears to have been made of a copper alloy (bronze). Its scenes come in the form of crudely carved characters and objects, all rendered in high relief. Three suspension rings are present on the rim of the lamp, a sign that chains would have likely been connected to the lamp. Additionally, there is a six-petal rosette carved into the lamp’s underside, although its purpose is not clear. There are also various etched designs near the top of the lamp whose purpose/meaning, too, is unknown (Kalavrezou 2003, 202). Why was it made? This lamp was made for religious/spiritual purposes. It was quite common to light oil lamps/burn incense before religious images, as such was considered a propitiatory offering. It was believed that scented smoke accompanied a person’s prayers to heaven and promoted the intercession of that person’s desired saint (Kalavrezou 2003, 202). Additionally, Byzantines assigned great power to religious images (as the images on this censer are not technically icons). The Council of Nicaea suggested that “the honor which is paid to the image passes on to that which the image represents.” It was believed that religious depictions (such as the scenes from the life of Christ present on this lamp) could answer prayers, heal the sick, and provide protection. For these reason, the lamp was also made to reside in and protect the home (“Icons”). Who made it? While the specific creator of the lamp remains unknown, the lamp was presumably made by a specialized craftsman or smith. These craftsmen operated throughout the Byzantine world in cities and villages. Bronze and iron were the most common crafting materials and thus it is very plausible that this lamp was made in a typical crafting shop (“Byzantine Luxury Arts). Additionally, a large number of similar lamps have been discovered across Egypt, Syria, and Turkey, which suggests that they were quite commonplace and possibly made in a number of crafting shops across the Byzantine world. This claim is also supported by the fact that all lamps of this type were not alike. Each had anywhere from four to nine scenes from the life of Christ, and the actual scenes were not consistent across lamps (Gonosova and Kondoleon 1994, 274-77). It seems logical to think that individual workshops would produce lamps of a certain kind, that is, lamps with a common set of scenes. With this assumption, different workshops might have had different templates, so to say; each would have replicated lamps with specific scenes. The scenes themselves and the number of scenes could have been due to any number of factors. Perhaps different areas assigned greater importance to certain scenes of Christ. It seems unlikely that individual workshops would have produced a variety of lamps when mass-producing one style makes more sense, given that the lost-wax process could have been used with each replica to create another replica and so on. Where was it produced? Given that similar lamps were discovered in Egypt, Syria, and Turkey, this lamp is postulated to have originated in the Holy Land, a central location for all three. Most obviously, however, depictions of Jesus and other religious/biblical figures point to the Holy Land as a place of production, as this censer was most likely made as a veneration object, meant to be used for religious purposes. Additionally, this censer shares motifs and compositional units with Syro-Palestinian art, also suggesting that it might have come from the Holy Land. From this, it is deduced that perhaps lamps such as this one were taken home as a token of a person’s pilgrimage. This could explain the variation among and prevalence of lamps. The images do appear to be both places of pilgrimage and places of scriptural significance. In addition to their biblical significance (as is explained above), these places continued to be visited long after the death of Jesus. Pilgrims would have viewed them as spots for veneration—as a way to, in a sense, relive Jesus’s life. Because the scenes are displayed chronologically, however, an argument can be made that they are meant to map places of spiritual significance rather than pilgrimage. It would make sense to depict pilgrimage spots in the order they would be visited, but because many of the spots are in the same general area, this argument may not hold (Gonosova and Kondoleon 1994, 274-77). Where did it go? Similar lamps have been found in Egypt, Syria, and Turkey, but it is difficult to deduce the path of travel of this lamp. If the Holy Land hypothesis is true, this lamp was carried out from the Arabian Peninsula to another region of the Byzantine empire and plausibly used by a single family for worship (Gonosova and Kondoleon 1994, 274-77). Gonosova’s analysis also suggests that this censer might have originated in Egypt. A nearly identical censer at the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts bears resemblance to several other censers with accepted Egyptian provenance, suggesting that production may not have been limited to a central location such as the Holy Land. It can also be hypothesized that censers which may have come from the Holy Land were reproduced in the areas to which they were brought by pilgrims and others. That is, original copies from the Holy Land were replicated and further disseminated to other areas surrounding the Holy Land. When was it made? While it is generally believed that this lamp was made between the 6th and 9th century, there is no clear evidence to support this claim. According to the Harvard Art Museum, it belongs to a class of censers from the 6th and 7th century, a time during which many pilgrims made their way to the Holy Land to pay homage to Christ. While this claim is unsubstantiated, it is plausible, given that the scenes on the lamp correspond to various location the pilgrims might have gone to relive/honor the experiences of Christ (e.g. going to the Jordan River). According to the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, this censer bears resemblance to oil ampullae from the Holy Land because of its selection of subjects. These oil ampullae for a “distinct and homogenous” group that can be dated to the 6th/7th century. However, while oil ampullae had well-executed inscriptions to corroborate their dating, censers were rarely inscribed and were much less homogenous, suggesting that they were made over a long period of time and thus are difficult to date (Gonosova and Kondoleon 1994, 274-77). How was it used? This lamp/censer was presumably suspended from a bar or hook and filled with oil or incense, which was then burned. As described above, the three suspension rings suggest that three connected chains were attached to the censer, connecting it to the aforementioned bar or hook. Additionally, images of a very similar lamp from the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts show chains attached, confirming, at least, that chains accompanied this censer. However, it can also be argued that the censer was held by its chains, as is common in various churches during incense rituals. It seems more likely that the censer was hung though, due to the fact that families would incorporate it in their worship. That is, they would need their hands free during prayer. The woman of the house was charged with keeping the flame of the lamp burning constantly, suggesting that the presence of a lit lamp brought about/maintained a religious presence in the house (Kalavrezou 2003, 202). How was it made? This lamp was made by way of the lost wax process. An original lamp was first modeled in wax. Then, this model was covered in damp clay, with the exception of a small hole. The clay was then left to dry. When the clay was sufficiently dry, the model was inverted and heated to allow the wax to drain out of the small hole. This cast was then cut in half. Following this, a core mold was made to allow molten metal to shape itself. Finally, molten metal was poured into the cast and around the core to create a metal model/cast of the original lamp. Material Composition According to the Harvard Art Museum, this lamp is made of a mixed copper alloy. The alloying elements include copper, tin, lead, and zinc. Other elements include iron, nickel, silver, antimony, and arsenic. Identifier Museum inventory number or library shelf number 1975.41.140 Sources and Further Reading Bibliographic material related to the object Bibliography "Byzantine Luxury Arts." ABC-CLIO. http://ancienthistory.abc-clio.com/Search/Display/1510775?terms=metalworking&sType=multi.   Caseau, Beatrice. "Incense and Fragrances: from House to Church." Unpublished typescript, April 6, 2007. Accessed October 10, 2016. http://www.academia.edu/494438/From_house_to_church_the_introduction_of_incense.   Didron, Adolphe Napoleon. Christian Iconography. Translated by E. J. Millington. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1851.   Gonosova, Anna, and Christine Kondoleon. "Censer." In Art of Late Rome and Byzantium, 274-77. Richmond: Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, 1994.   Kalavrezou, Ioli. "Lamp/Incense Burner with Scenes from the Life of Christ." In Byzantine Women and Their World, 202. Cambridge: Harvard University Art Museum, 2003.   Maguire, Henry. "Style and Ideology in Byzantine Imperial Art." Gesta 28, no. 2 (1989): 217-31.   National Gallery of Art. "Icons." National Gallery of Art. Accessed October 8, 2016. http://www.nga.gov/content/ngaweb/features/byzantine/icons.html.   Noble, Joseph Veach. "The Wax of the Lost Wax Process." American Journal of Archaeology 79, no. 4 (October 1975): 368-69.   President and Fellows of Harvard College. "Lamp or Censer with Scenes from the Life of Christ." Harvard Art Museums. Accessed October 24, 2016. http://www.harvardartmuseums.org/art/215371.   Rautman, Marcus. "Byzantine Art." ABC-CLIO. http://ancienthistory.abc-clio.com/Search/Display/1510778?terms=byzantine+art&sType=multi.   von Grunebaum, G. E. "Byzantine Iconoclasm and the Influence of the Islamic Environment." History of Religions 2, no. 1 (Summer 1962): 1-10.   Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lamp/Censer with Scenes from the Life of Christ Lamp/Censer with Scenes from the Life of Christ Subject The topic of the resource Lamp/Censer Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Tim Cammarata Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Harvard Art Museum Description An account of the resource This is a bronze/copper alloy lamp/censer with five scenes from the life of Christ: the Annunciation, the Nativity, the Baptism, the Crucifixion, and the Women at the Tomb. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Tim Cammarata Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 6th-9th century Type The nature or genre of the resource Lamp/Censer https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/cb51-16/original/1a1e776b602da1e993a8842fba0b9639.jpg 2d62714328e3d4520d2f9188dae9402c MOL Object An object to be described as part of the Medieval Object Lessons project Author(s) of the biographies Specifically identifies the author of the biography, separate from creator of the object Sky Russell What is it? This is a silver coin created between 1068 and 1071 CE in the Byzantine Empire under the rule of Romanos IV Diogenes. It it thought to have been produced in Constantinople (Thrace). It is a small coin, with an average diameter of only about 1.5 cm. The coin features a depiction of the Virgin Mary on the obverse and Romanos IV Diogenes on the reverse. It also has a hole in it, suggesting that it may have had uses beyond currency. (HAM Webpage.) Romanos IV Diogenes secured the throne by marrying the widowed Empress Eudokia. A Cappadocian noble, he began his rule with a good reputation. However, when a battle he led ended in the Byzantine rout at Manazkert, he was taken prisoner by the enemy. The opposing party in Constantinople would not stand for this and resorted to blinding and killing him soon after his release. (Ostrogorsky, 1969.) The Virgin Mary was a very popular holy figure in the 11th century. Romanos III (1028-1034) felt a particular devotion to her and founded a monastery in Constantinople in her honor. In the following years the Virgin Mary was a major subject of devotion in the Byzantine world (Grierson 1999,35.) The inscriptions surrounding her on the coin feature the Greek letters mu rho and theta, which represent an abbreviation for “Mother of God.” (cutsinger.net) Where was it produced? It is most probable that this coin was produced in Constantinople, the center of coin production and minting in late 11th century Byzantium. This information is inferred from the location of excavation of this coin in relation to others. For this particular object, it is unclear where the coin was originally found. However, similar silver coins dated to the same century have been found to be concentrated in Thrace. Though it is possible that the coin was produced elsewhere (other minting centers included Macedonia and Kherson) it is most likely that Constantinople was its birthplace. (Laiou et al. 2002) Material Composition Silver Functional Category Both currency and devotional object as well as object of imperial glorification. The honoring of the emperor was probably the main function that the imperial class intended for the coin to have. However once produced, the coin must have served mainly as a devotional object. The coin may have actually been used for trade as well but it is possible that it was a sort of “emergency cash” that was an object of worship that could double as currency when necessary. Rights Contact information of object holders; copyright disclaimers Harvard Art Museums http://www.harvardartmuseums.org/collections/object/74588?position=7 Identifier Museum inventory number or library shelf number 1951.31.4.1615 Why was it made? There are three prominent reasons for the coin’s creation: currency, devotion, and glorification of the emperor. The first is most obvious, being that the object is after all a coin. Being made of silver, it would have had practical value as currency. The second can be inferred from the hole in the coin and the presence of the Virgin Mary on the obverse side. The third is apparent from the depiction of Romanos IV. In the Byzantine period it was commonplace for the imperial class to utilize the coin as a means of exalting the emperor (Bellinger, 70.) The coin was made as an object to honor the holy as well as to glorify the royal. It is also interesting to consider the purpose of this coin in the context of Byzantine amulet tradition. Healing or protection amulets were commonly used by people of the Byzantine period. They were believed to have magic properties, sometimes even medicinal. These amulets would often feature Jesus or various saints on their faces (metmuseum.org). We see that this coin of Romanos IV instead utilizes imagery of the Virgin Mary, but it is still very reasonable for us to look at this coin like an amulet. It is possible that real amulets were quite expensive and unattainable to lower classes, seeing as they were sometimes decorated but precious "healing" stones (metmuseum.org). So we can extrapolate that the coin that doubled as an amulet would have been a popular option for those who could not afford to buy a purely protective charm. Who made it? The coin would have been made in a workshop of artisans specializing in struck coins. These people would have to be masters at handling metal and metalworking tools. Workshops could function like factories, possibly producing up to 100 coins per person per hour. (Lawrence.edu) Where did it go? Although this is technically a coin, it is very possible that it did not circulate as a conventional coin would. It may have been worn as a devotional charm or amulet and it consequently would have stayed with an owner for many years. This leads to a few possibilities. One is that the coin did not move very far from Constantinople because it was passed among a local community as a personal devotional object. Another is the possibility of pilgrimages. The tradition of Christian pilgrimage was present in Byzantium and pilgrims often carried portable objects of prayer (Vikan 1982, 3-4). Therefore, the coin may have visited various holy sites around the Byzantine empire, probably those associated with the Virgin Mary. The Virgin Mary imagery may also tell us something about the owner of the coin. The Virgin was often honored in the Byzantine world as a "role model" for women (Lee 2014). In turn, she may also have been considered a protector of women more so than men. This would lead us to believe that the primary audience of a coin like this was Byzantine women. It is possible that this coin was meant to be worn predominantly by women, and perhaps would have circulated from mother to daughter or among religious sisterhoods. When was it made? The coin was made some time between 1068 and 1071 when Romanos IV ruled the Byzantine Empire. How was it used? We can imagine that this coin was worn like an amulet by a devoted Byzantine Christian. It would have been a charm, perhaps for personal protection and prayer. Holed coins of this sort appear in other regions throughout the world and in various time periods, and we know that the purpose of the hole is usually to be able to string the coin. The coin may have travelled on pilgrimages with its owner or been a token distributed as proof of pilgrimage. This is possible because the coin’s production site, Constantinople, was also home to various holy sites. (Vikan 1982, 4). It is also worth noting that in the 5th century, gold coins were commonly used for currency but silver coins were reserved for ceremonial purposes (Dictionary of Middle Ages). Though this notion did not necessarily remain in the 11th century, it is plausible that the tradition of silver coins as ceremonial objects remained in the culture to an extent. How was it made? This is a struck coin, meaning that the designs were imprinted with a hammer and metal stamps. The process consisted of taking a flan (a sheet of metal) and placing it between two dies (metal stamps with the designs in them) and then hammering the whole thing until both sides of the metal sheet were printed on (Lawrence.edu). The appearance of the coin suggests that each coin was not made very carefully or with particular attention to neatness. For example, the image of Romanos is off-center while the border around him suggests that he was meant to be centered. We can extrapolate from this that these coins were produced quickly and in large quantities so that they could be distributed to large populations of people. Sources and Further Reading Bibliographic material related to the object Harvard Art Museums. “Coin of Romanos IV.” http://www.harvardartmuseums.org/collections/object/74588. Accessed 20 Nov 2016 Ostrogorsky, George. "History of the Byzantine State." Joan Hussey, trans. (1957, 3rd rev, ed. 1969) Grierson, Philip. "Byzantine Coinage." (1999 Dumbarton Oaks). Laiou, Angeliki E. et al. "The Economic History of Byzantium: From the Seventh through the Fifteenth Century." (2002 Dumbarton Oaks.) Lawrence.edu. "The Production of Ancient Coins" https://www2.lawrence.edu/dept/art/BUERGER/ESSAYS/PRODUCTION7.HTML. Accessed 21 Nov 2016. Vikan, Gary. "Byzantine Pilgrimage Art." (Dumbarton Oaks 1982.) Anamnesis: The Webblog of Professor James S. Cutsinger "The Virgin of The Sign." http://www.cutsinger.net/blog/?page_id=13. Accessed 21 Nov 2016 Strayer, Joseph. "Mints and Money, Byzantine." Dictionary of the Middle Ages Vol 8. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1987. Lee, Ashley. "Magic, mimesis, and the Annunciation to Mary: Six early Byzantine cameos and the Late Antique tradition of medical amulets." (PhD diss., Northern Illinois University, 2014). The Metropolitan Museum of Art. "Popular Religion: Magical Uses of Imagery in Byzantine Art." http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/popu/hd_popu.htm Accessed 8 Nov 2016. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Coin of Romanos IV Coin of Romanos IV Subject The topic of the resource Byzantine Coin Description An account of the resource A struck silver coin from the Byzantine period made around 1068-1071. Depicts the emperor Romanos IV on one side and the Virgin on the other. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Harvard Art Museums http://www.harvardartmuseums.org/collections/object/74588?position=7 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1068-1071 CE Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Sky Russell Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Harvard Art Museums Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Silver coin 0.72 g Language A language of the resource Greek Type The nature or genre of the resource Coin Byzantine Coin Constantinople Romanos Silver https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/cb51-16/original/3aaf750398cf9fd7a1403ba4bc1989f3.jpg 4534217a4292dd2d38e27fdb26eae2fb Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Cassone of Petrarch's "Triumphs" and Roman Processions Description An account of the resource Northern Italian Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived http://www.harvardartmuseums.org/collections/object/227634?position=3 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Harvard Art Museums Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource ca. 1470-1500 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Walnut with carved and burned decoration, 57.2 x 175.3 x 53.3 cm Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Unidentified Artist Type The nature or genre of the resource Carving, Furniture