2 10 68 https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/cb51-16/original/f45c5998c929fb663ba304d97fb270ab.jpeg 39edc17d0c14c884539901309eadd9b3 Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Seal of N., (proto?)spatharios and kommerkiarios of Thessalonica (X c.) Subject The topic of the resource Seal Description An account of the resource A Lead Seal with the depiction of a walking griffin on the obverse. On the reverse of the seal an inscription of five lines which can be read as "Lord, help your servant N., protospatharios and kommerkiarios of Thessalonica" Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource N Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived http://www.harvardartmuseums.org/collections/object/73043?position=2 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Daniel Bailey Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10th century Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource President and Fellows of Harvard College Chr_Byzantine Chr_leadseal https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/cb51-16/original/565442c5b43538599948852ec0104c26.jpg 3674563a072d6b033b817ac834cfbe1b Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Man of Sorrows Description An account of the resource This is an Italian fresco (later transferred to canvas) painted by Niccolò di Tommaso around the year 1370 depicting the Man of Sorrows. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Niccolò di Tommaso Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The Metropolitan Museum of Art, http://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/472301 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource c. 1370 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Jason Rosenberg Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The Metropolitan Museum of Art https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/cb51-16/original/64c893709ae780a376634f08d3319b4a.jpeg e37d44b80f72ab9884b354cd21135261 Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Nikephoros kommerkiarios of Psychron (tenth century) Subject The topic of the resource Lead Seal Description An account of the resource A Byzantine Lead Seal. On the obverse of the seal a cross potent on three steps, all arms ending in pellets; on the crossing, in a medallion, the bust of a bishop (without nimbus): square bald head, short round beard. He wears the phelonion and omophorion decorated with crosslets of dots on both shoulders. The bust resembles St. Nicholas. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Nikephoros Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived http://www.doaks.org/resources/seals/byzantine-seals/BZS.1958.106.1224/view Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Daniel Bailey Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10th century Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Dumbarton Oaks Research and Library https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/cb51-16/original/bd9dc08fc27b065a604ddd23123ace14.jpeg d4e94aed05c0235f6d0a34a373e3528e Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Photios imperial protospatharios epi ton oikeiakon and kommerkiarios of Chaldia (tenth century) Subject The topic of the resource Byzantine Lead Seal Description An account of the resource A Byzantine Lead Seal with a Sphinx facing right on the obverse five lines which can be read as Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Photios Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived http://www.doaks.org/resources/seals/byzantine-seals/BZS.1958.106.1843 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Daniel Bailey Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10th century Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/cb51-16/original/8805954ee0656f113b479a53b261829f.jpeg 1f3ad7f222e26210979870406481b537 MOL Object An object to be described as part of the Medieval Object Lessons project Author(s) of the biographies Specifically identifies the author of the biography, separate from creator of the object Jason Rosenberg What is it? This is a medieval panel painting depicting Christ as the Man of Sorrows with the Arma Christi interspersed around him. The Man of Sorrows image is an intriguing and unique depiction of the Passion, in part because it does not represent a specific scene from the Bible (Belting 1980/1981, 4). Rather, Christ is found in a “state of living death” (Eisler 1969, 233). For example, in this painting Christ is in his tomb (accompanied by a grieving Mary and St. John) with his hands crossed in a funereal manner, but he is standing instead of lying down; the Cross is located behind him and his wounds are fresh, but he is no longer nailed to the Cross (Belting 1980/1981, 6; Harvard Art Museums, Object Files; Schiller 1971, 213). As the eye moves upwards from the tomb’s inhabitants, several scenes from the Passion are depicted in brief (e.g. the Agony in the Garden) until one reaches the transfigured image of Christ at the apex of the painting (Schiller 1971, 213; Harvard Art Museums, Object Files). Throughout the painting, the Arma Christi are depicted, which are the instruments used against Christ up until the Crucifixion (“Arma Christi” 2013). The Arma Christi, often coupled with the Man of Sorrows in medieval artwork, are almost all present in this panel painting (“Arma Christi” 2013). This suggests a comprehensive account of the Passion that sets the scene for the image of the Man of Sorrows, which by itself lacks a reference to a specific Biblical event. Regarding the object as a whole, it measures 68.6 x 42.9 x 4.6 cm including the frame (Harvard Art Museums, “The Man of Sorrows”). This seems somewhat small for the amount of detail and the number of icons contained within the painting, and more so given the object’s function as is described in another section. The wood is likely poplar, which has warped over time (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files; Meagher 2010; “Panel Painting” 2013). The ground almost certainly consists of a “very thick” layer of gesso, on which gold leaf and egg tempera paint are applied (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files). There is a significant amount of gilding in the image itself, such as on the halos and the sun as well as on the front face of the frame. Finally, the originality of the frame is unknown, although at the very least, given its somewhat battered appearance, it is not modern. No signs of the past presence of hinges can be found on the frame, but on the other hand the panel painting’s shape seems fitting for a diptych or triptych. In fact, this panel is believed, based on an eighteenth-century text, to be the middle panel of a polyptych (Wilkins 1974, 129). Why was it made? As is discussed further in other sections, this panel painting was originally located in the Santa Maria Incoronata church in Naples, Italy (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files). This church was built in 1352, just two years prior to the likely date of the panel painting’s creation following the coronation of Louis and Giovanna I (anglicized as Joanna I), the Queen of Naples (Crowe and Cavalcaselle 1903, 95-96). Thus, it is probable that the panel painting was commissioned alongside the construction of the church as part of the interior decoration. The image of the Man of Sorrows was likely chosen for its emotional and spiritual effect on the viewer. Italian artists depicting the Passion wanted the audience to feel Christ’s suffering, especially in the time of the Black Death when it became important to give the populace’s strife a religious basis (Sorabella 2008; Clifton 1997, 20-22). The Man of Sorrows was a powerful way of evoking such emotions, and indeed it was used not only in painting but also in illuminated manuscripts such as Books of Hours (Boynton 2013, 117). In this panel painting, we see the wounded body of Christ wearing the Crown of Thorns, standing in his own tomb. If this were not enough to move the viewer to grief, we see a heartbroken Mary gesturing for us to behold the injustices done to Christ. The presence of the Arma Christi, too, are designed for the same purpose. Gertrud Schiller notes, “The devotions of the Arma Christi were connected with pardon or a promise of protection that assured Christ’s mercy to him who suffered with him” (Schiller 1971, 191). The question arises, however, if churchgoers could actually see the Arma Christi and other details of the panel painting. I note in another section that for a church altarpiece, the panel is relatively small in size. Certainly, priests and other holy figures near the altar would be able to view the painting in detail, which is fitting as they would be the ones most capable of understanding the significance of the Arma Christi images. For the common worshippers in the church, though, it does not seem that the intricate details of Oderisi’s work would be visible to them. The features of the panel become blurred when one stands far away from it, but one thing stands out: the body of Christ. It is the lightest colored part of the painting, and it pops out at the viewer amidst the dark blue background. While we cannot know whether or not Oderisi intended this effect, it is intriguing to think that when all other aspects of the painting disappeared in the eyes of its churchgoing audience, Christ remained. Who made it? Bernard Berenson identifies the artist of this painting as Roberto Oderisi of Naples (Berenson 1923, 72). He based this identification on the similarity of this panel painting to the frescoes of the Incoronata and to the Eboli Crucifixion panel painting at the Church of San Francesco, the latter of which is signed by Oderisi (Berenson 1923, 72-75). Very little is known of Oderisi, but his stylistic influences have been widely recognized. Namely, in Oderisi’s artwork the influence of Pietro Cavallini, Simone Martini, and Giotto are apparent (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files; Berenson 1923, 72-75). Giotto in particular held an enormous sway over late medieval Italian painters, leading to more depth and natural human features in their work (Meagher 2010). Lastly, one may wish to search this panel painting for an image of Oderisi, but it is exceedingly doubtful that any of the figures in the work are self-portraits of the artist. In the sixteenth century, Giorgio Vasari identified many late medieval self-portraits, including ones produced by Giotto (Ames-Lewis 2000, 211-212). However, scholarship now suggests that Vasari’s identifications in early works are dubious at best (Ames-Lewis 2000, 212). In fact, Professor Francis Ames-Lewis of the University of London states, “No autonomous self-portrait is…known before the early fifteenth century” (Ames-Lewis 2000, 212-213). Nevertheless, certain Renaissance artists such as Albrecht Dürer claimed that artists have an innate tendency to paint figures that look like themselves (Ames-Lewis 2000, 210-211). Perhaps, then, when we stare at Peter, John, or even the sleeping guard in the bottom-left corner of Oderisi’s painting, we are staring at vague likenesses of Oderisi himself. Where was it produced? Since the artist, the Neapolitan Roberto Oderisi, is known, it is almost certain that this panel painting was produced in or around Naples, Italy. This southern Italian origin is corroborated by a number of facts. First, medieval European panel paintings were constructed out of many different woods, but in Italy poplar was dominant (Meagher 2010; “Panel Painting” 2013). Indeed, conservationists have noted that Oderisi’s panel is most likely made of poplar (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files). In addition, the depiction of the Man of Sorrows had been present in the Byzantine Empire for several centuries (Belting 1980/1981, 5-6; Eisler 1969, 235). Since southern Italy was part of the Byzantine Empire until 1071, and trade between the two regions continued to flourish after the split, it is unsurprising to find the Byzantine Man of Sorrows in Naples (Meagher 2010). Finally, the extensive use of gold leaf in this panel painting is found in many other late medieval Italian works (Passeri 2015, 102-103). Where did it go? This panel painting was originally located in the Santa Maria Incoronata church in Naples in the mid-fourteenth century (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files). Its function there is discussed in another section. It seems that it remained in this location for several centuries, since there is a text from the 1700s that mentions this panel painting as being located in the Incoronata (Wilkins 1974, 129). This long-term stay in the church is supported by the good condition of the painting, as if it did move about for a long period of time it is difficult to imagine that the quality of the panel would have been preserved. If we do assume that the panel painting was still in the Incoronata in the eighteenth century, then a possible period of turmoil in which the panel could have been removed is the Napoleonic Wars in the beginning of the nineteenth century. It should be stressed, nevertheless, that the time when the panel left the church truly is unknown. In the summer of 1922, Bernard Berenson spotted the panel painting in Florence and proceeded to urge his acquaintance Grenville Winthrop to purchase it (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files). Winthrop, a well-known art collector, then possessed the painting for more than a decade before the Fogg Art Museum acquired it in 1937 (Harvard Art Museums, “The Man of Sorrows”). When was it made? The panel painting is believed to have been created around 1354 (Harvard Art Museums, “The Man of Sorrows”; Harvard Art Museums, Object Files). This is due to the stylistic traits it closely shares with the frescoes in the Santa Maria Incoronata church in Naples, which have been dated to that decade (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files; Berenson 1923, 72-75). This dating to the late Middle Ages is supported by a variety of evidence. Panel paintings were popular in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries in Italy, particularly as altarpieces (Meagher 2010; “Panel Painting” 2013). In addition, in this period in Italy, gold leaf was derived from gold coins, and the “return to gold in Italy’s monetary system in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries is reflected in works of art by an extensive and increasing use of gold leaf” (Passeri 2015, 102-103). Fittingly, this panel painting incorporates gold leaf in a number of locations, from the halos to the gilt frame (if taken to be original). Moreover, as Bernard Berenson notes, surrounding Christ’s head are “hands making signs of contempt, a youth blowing a horn, [and] a citizen spitting” (Berenson 1923, 70). The Mocking of Christ was only present in Italian art since the eleventh century, which puts a lower bound on the panel’s date of origin (Hourihane 2013, 31). How was it used? This panel painting was created for use in the church of Santa Maria Incoronata in Naples, where it seems to have remained for several centuries as described in another section (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files). In fact, it is believed to have been the main panel in a polyptych that formed the church’s altarpiece (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files; Wilkins 1974, 129). This prominent location is particularly interesting given the painting’s small size, as it seems unlikely that many of its details could be perceived from the pews. Nevertheless, such a location is supported by the presence of blisters in the paint, which may have been cause by candle flames (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files). These small blisters can be seen, for instance, in the vicinity of Christ’s right hand. The subject matter of the painting is fitting for a late medieval church, as the Man of Sorrows and Arma Christi were devotional subjects in which viewers could share in Christ’s suffering in accordance with the Bible’s command (Schiller 1971, 191-198). How was it made? The panel is likely constructed from dried planks of poplar, as is common for medieval Italian panel paintings (Harvard Art Museums, Object Files; Meagher 2010). While poplar is vulnerable to warping, it has the benefit of coming in large widths so fewer planks need to be joined together (“Panel Painting” 2013). The planks would be glued together using size, a derivative of animal skin, and oftentimes the frame would then be attached (Meagher 2010; “Panel Painting” 2013). Next, gesso would have been applied as a ground, in a particularly thick layer for this panel (Meagher 2010; Harvard Art Museums, Object Files). Clay called bole would be used to smooth the panel’s surface, followed by the application of gold leaf (Meagher 2010). This gold would be derived from Italian gold coins, and after burnishing it would be decorated using various metal rods known as punches (Meagher 2010; Passeri 2015, 102-103; Thompson 1956, 223-224). Lastly, egg tempera paint would be applied, which has the unique benefit of retaining its color as it ages (Thompson 1956, 63). Material Composition Tempera and gold on panel Functional Category Devotional object Rights Contact information of object holders; copyright disclaimers Harvard Art Museums Identifier Museum inventory number or library shelf number 1937.49 Sources and Further Reading Bibliographic material related to the object Ames-Lewis, Francis. The Intellectual Life of the Early Renaissance Artist. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000. “Arma Christi.” In Grove Encyclopedia of Medieval Art and Architecture. Oxford University Press, 2013. www.oxfordreference.com.ezp-prod1.hul.harvard.edu/view/10.1093/acref/ 9780195395365.001.0001/acref-9780195395365-e-141?rskey=7EbBrI&result=141. Belting, Hans. “An Image and Its Function in the Liturgy: The Man of Sorrows in Byzantium.” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 34/35 (1980/1981): 1-16. Berenson, Bernard. “A Panel by Roberto Oderisi.” Art in America 11 (1923): 69-76. Boynton, Susan. “From Book to Song: Texts Accompanying the Man of Sorrows in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries.” In New Perspectives on the Man of Sorrows, edited by Catherine Puglisi and William Barcham, 117-146. Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, 2013. Clifton, James. The Body of Christ in the Art of Europe and New Spain, 1150-1800. Munich: Prestel, 1997. Crowe, Joseph, and Giovanni Cavalcaselle. Giotto and the Giottesques. Vol. 2, A History of Painting in Italy. London: John Murray, 1903. Eisler, Colin. “The Golden Christ of Cortona and the Man of Sorrows in Italy: Part Two.” The Art Bulletin 51 (1969): 233-246. Harvard Art Museums. “The Man of Sorrows.” Object files. Accessed October 19, 2016. Hourihane, Colum. “Defining Terms: Ecce Homo, Christ of Pity, Christ Mocked, and the Man of Sorrows.” In New Perspectives on the Man of Sorrows, edited by Catherine Puglisi and William Barcham, 19-47. Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, 2013. Meagher, Jennifer. “Italian Painting of the Later Middle Ages.” The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Last modified September 2010. www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/iptg/hd_iptg.htm. “Panel Painting.” In Grove Encyclopedia of Medieval Art and Architecture. Oxford University Press, 2013. www.oxfordreference.com.ezp-prod1.hul.harvard.edu/view/10.1093/acref/ 9780195395365.001.0001/acref-9780195395365-e-1745?rskey=I3Sddn&result=1. “The Man of Sorrows.” Harvard Art Museums. Accessed October 24, 2016. http://www.harvardartmuseums.org/art/230884. Passeri, Irma. “Gold coins and gold leaf in early Italian paintings.” In The matter of art: Materials, practices, cultural logistics, c. 1250-1750, edited by Christy Anderson, Anne Dunlop, and Pamela H. Smith, 97-115. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2015. Schiller, Gertrud. The Passion of Jesus Christ. Vol. 2, Iconography of Christian Art. Translated by Janet Seligman. London: Lund Humphries, 1971. Sorabella, Jean. “The Crucifixion and Passion of Christ in Italian Painting.” The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Last modified June 2008. www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/pass/hd_pass.htm. Thompson, Daniel. The Materials and Techniques of Medieval Painting. New York: Dover, 1956. Wilkins, David. “Review of I pittori alla corte Angioina di Napoli, 1266-1414, e un riesame dell' arte nell'età fridericiana by Ferdinando Bologna.” The Art Bulletin 56 (1974): 127-130. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Man of Sorrows The Man of Sorrows Description An account of the resource This is a fourteenth-century panel painting by Roberto Oderisi of Naples depicting the Man of Sorrows and the Arma Christi. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Roberto Oderisi Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Harvard Art Museums http://www.harvardartmuseums.org/art/230884 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource c. 1354 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Jason Rosenberg Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Harvard Art Museums chr_1400s geo_Italy thm_ArmaChristi thm_ManOfSorrows https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/cb51-16/original/189cd984e398c541abaa7a2b75217f2d.jpeg 8775a8c95ee2a12efc5752d148ddda39 MOL Object An object to be described as part of the Medieval Object Lessons project Author(s) of the biographies Specifically identifies the author of the biography, separate from creator of the object Daniel Bailey What is it? This is a tenth century Byzantine lead seal of an individual named Constantine, an imperial strator and kommerkiarioi of the West during his time. A depiction of an athlete with a broad neck and straight nose wearing a crown is presented on the obverse of the seal, and an inscription written in Greek (which can be read as: Lord help your servant Constantine, Imperial strator and kommerkiarios of the West) on the reverse of the seal.("Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (tenth Century).” )This seal can be dated some time around the 10th century and was created in Eastern Europe during the Byzantine Period, more specifically during the reign of Constantine VII who ruled from 945 A.D. and 959 A.D. (President and Fellows of Harvard College. "Seal of Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (X C.).") Why was it made? This seal served a dual purpose: to verify and secure the contents which it held. Like other Byzantine seals, it was used to verify that the documents they were sent with were authorized and came from the individual from which it stated it was from. It was a way to prove that the contents that the seal contained had not been unsealed or tampered with. Essentially, lead seals were used to lock official and private correspondence as well as to authenticate documents. The use of seals became a form of document security and way for individuals to present their status and repute in the Byzantine society. (Oikonomides, 1985, 3-8) These included individuals such as the ones who played roles in the Church as well as higher status individuals, such as those in the bureaucracy of the Byzantine Empire. This lead seal was used by a government official in the West of the Byzantine Empire, particularly around the Balkan Peninsula. He would have used this seal in order to make known to the individual receiving the correspondence of documents he sent that it indeed came from him, and if the seal remained intact, the contents of such letter would not have been compromised. (“Online Catalogue of Byzantine Seals”). The choice of the inscription on the seal would have been something personal to the individual who made the seal as well. In this case, the choice of an athlete reflects the more secular aspects present in the Byzantine Empire at the time that this individual might have enjoyed: thus one could speculate that the individual Constantine was one who could have enjoyed athletics and/or sports of his time. Whether or not he participated in athletics is unclear. “Lord help your servant Constantine” is the phrase inscribed on the seal: this personal prayer on the seal is reflective of the Christian elements heavy in the Byzantine Empire at this time, as well as allows one to see the personal aspect of the choice of words inscribed on the seal: this phrase on the seal would have been something chosen by Constantine himself and the reason why is something only he could have known. Finally, the individual states his status and repute in society as high standing government official: a recipient of the documents the seal held would know exactly who it was coming from, and thus be able to identify based on the seal whether or not it was indeed authentic and if the seal were not broken, know as well the contents had not been compromised.(Cheynet, Jean-Claude, and Claudia Sode, 2003)<br /><p class="p1"><span class="s1"> </span></p> Who made it? Although the exact person cannot be stated in the making of this seal, one could definitely speculate that a craftsman specializing in seals, appointed by Constantine, would have created the personal boulloterion for Constantine's use. As this is an iron-forged tool used in the sealing of blanks, one could definitely speculate that a blacksmith was in charge of creating the signature look that would be engraved in the tool for Constantine's use. Constantine would have had a seal made for him based on his repute and standing in society. Based on the inscription of the seal, one can deduce based on his rank, office, and level of authority in society as to why he would have a seal made. According to the seal, in addition to the honorific title of strator, Constantine was a Kommerkiarioi. The Kommerikarioi was a <span class="s1"><span class="s1">monetary government position responsible for the collecting of the ten percent tax on merchandise in the Byzantine empire, particularly in the ninth and tenth century. A kommerkiarioi (a financial official in the Byzantine Empire)  was positioned with a city or region, and in this case Constantine was the kommerkiarioi of the West, which allows one to deduce that he was the tax collector of a part of the Balkan Peninsula (they’re would have definitely been other Kommerkiaroi in the West, each with their own city and region), as well as their own personal seal as well. As a government official in charge of the collection of taxes, it would have been important that information regarding the finances of the empire, particularly the Balkan peninsula, would have to have some form of security and officiating in order to avoid falsified documents claiming to come from Constantine. Constantine would have had his personal boulloterion made in order to make seals like this one, seal that he could attach to his official government documents so individuals who would receive these documents would know that they were in fact from who they said they were from. ("Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (tenth Century).” ) </span></span> <p class="p1"><span class="s1"> </span></p> Where was it produced? No precise location can be given as to the exact origin of the seal's making. However, as this is a Byzantine seal, it is safe to assume that it was made somewhere in Eastern Europe. As it belonged to the Western Byzantine section, the object could have been made in the Bulkan Peninsula by a craftsman or ironsmith who specialized in the making of boulloterion ("Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (tenth Century)").  Where did it go? The seal belonged to the Imperial Stator and the Kommerkiaroi of the West, it is safe to assume that this seal traveled much around the Balkan Peninsula, particularly around the Byzantine West. However, it can be stated that Byzantine seals traveled all around the Byzantine Empire, so a seal such as this one would have made its way much around the entirety of the Byzantine state, especially since it belonged to an individual with a fiscal government role. ("Seal of Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (X C.).") ("Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (tenth Century)"). When was it made? Although the precise date is not known, this seal was made circa 10th century sometime around the reign of Constantine VII, who ruled solely from 945 to 959 A.D. ("Seal of Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (X C.)." How was it used? This seal would have been used on a document, letter, or piece of paper sent by the Kommerkiaroi of the West at the time. This seal would have been his official "signature" on his document, in order to let it be known that it came from him. It would have been used to secure his documents, as well as make sure that those he corresponded with knew what they were receiving was official, as it contained the seal of the Imperial strator and Kommerkiarioi of the West. (Oikonomides, 1985, 3-10) ("Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (tenth Century)"). How was it made? Byzantine seals were more than often made from lead, (but could be made from gold, bronze, or silver) and would begin as two blank rounded discs of whatever material used to make them in slate moulds. Each blank would have a hollow channel running through the center, which would allow for the string to be threaded to the document. pressed against the strings that were attached to the document, letter, or paper they were meant to secure.The particular design of the specific seal woudl be careved on a pair of dies. A Boulloterion, a form of pliers would then be used to held these two dies. Now that these pliers held the images or writing ingrained in them,they would then be pressed on the two lead circles together in order to give the seal its custom and unique depiction. The striking of the seal would also help the channel or center of the blanks collapse around the string. (Oikonomides 1985, 3-5) ("Introduction") (“Online Catalogue of Byzantine Seals”) Material Composition This seal was made from Lead (Pb). It has a diameter of 25 millimeters and and a net weight of 10.79 grams. <br /><br />("Seal of Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (X C.)") ("Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (tenth Century)"). Identifier Museum inventory number or library shelf number 1951.31.5.1748 Sources and Further Reading Bibliographic material related to the object "Byzantine Seals." The Barber Institute of Fine Arts. University of Birmingham, 31 Jan. 2014. Web. 23 Oct. 2016. Cheynet, Jean-Claude, and Claudia Sode. Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. Leipzig: K.G. Saur, 2003. Print. "Constantine Imperial Strator and Kommerkiarios of the West (tenth Century)." Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. Dumbarton Oaks, n.d. Web. 09 Oct. 2016. "Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos (945–959)." Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. Dumbarton Oaks, n.d. Web. 23 Oct. 2016. "Introduction: Byzantine Seals and Sigliography." Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. Dumbarton Oaks, n.d. Web. 23 Oct. 2016. Lopez, Robert Sebastian. "Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus." Encyclopedia Britannica Online. Encyclopedia Britannica, n.d. Web. 10 Oct. 2016. Nesbitt, John. Catalogue of Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum of Art. Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Libr. and Coll, 2009. Print. "Online Catalogue of Byzantine Seals." Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection. Dumbarton Oaks, n.d. Web. 23 Oct. 2016. Oikonomidès, Nicolas. Byzantine Lead Seals. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1985. Print. Oikonomidès, Nicolas. A Collection of Dated Byzantine Lead Seals. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1986. Print. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Seal of Constantine imperial strator and kommerkiarios of the West (X c.) Seal of Constantine imperial strator and kommerkiarios of the West (X c.) Subject The topic of the resource Byzantine Lead Seal Description An account of the resource A 10th century lead seal of the Byzantine Period. The obverse of the has a depiction of an athlete wearing a crown. The reverse has an inscription written in Greek. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Kommerikarioi of the Bulkan Peninsula Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Harvard Art Museum http://www.harvardartmuseums.org/collections/object/73138?position=2 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available President and Fellows of Harvard Art College Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Sometime around the reign of Constantine VII (r. 945-959) Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Daniel Bailey Chr_Byzantine Chr_ConstantineVII Chr_Kommerikarios Chr_leadseal Chr_seal Chr_Strator https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/cb51-16/original/9b33c6f2001f2648d84041e105e14797.jpeg cf9586fea08ae6487181f257201d130c Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Theophylaktos protospatharios epi tou Chrysotriklinou and asekretis (tenth/eleventh century) Subject The topic of the resource Byzantine Lead Seal Description An account of the resource A lead seal of St. Michael holding the labarum and globus. On the obverse an inscription common to most kommerkiarios seal Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Theophylaktos Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived http://www.doaks.org/resources/seals/byzantine-seals/BZS.1958.106.1904 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Daniel Bailey Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 10th/11th century Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Dumbarton Oaks Research Library https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/cb51-16/original/de393bddc1dd33b23a0614b77074d053.jpg 30fa5aa1592179b4fab9fafc97b1ed6f MOL Object An object to be described as part of the Medieval Object Lessons project Author(s) of the biographies Specifically identifies the author of the biography, separate from creator of the object Tim Cammarata Rights Contact information of object holders; copyright disclaimers Harvard Art Museum What is it? This is a lamp/censer which boasts five scenes from the life of Christ: the Annunciation, the Nativity, the Baptism, the Crucifixion, and the Women at the Tomb. The angel Gabriel and Mary are visible in the first scene, signifying the Annunciation, at which Gabriel proclaimed that Mary would conceive Jesus. In the Nativity scene, the baby Jesus is seen in a manger, with two animals close behind him (possibly an ox and ass) and Mary and Joseph on opposite sides. Next, in the Baptism scene, John the Baptist is seen baptizing Jesus, accompanied by a dove (representing the Holy Spirit) and an angel. The Crucifixion scene depicts Jesus on the cross, along with two figures on opposite sides of him. Two faces appear above each of Christ’s hands as well, but neither is distinguishable. Finally, the tomb scene depicts two women on opposite sides of a symbolic tomb of Christ. The tomb depicted appears more like a tent for a king, which might be seen in processions. As Jesus was more than likely buried in a cave (at least according to scripture), the tomb depicted here must have been symbolic of Jesus’s role as the savior of the people. The scenes described above are quite common in many works of art in the Middle Ages and beyond. Aside from their presence on numerous other censers, these scenes are seen in many paintings. The Crucifixion, especially, is recreated in statue/model form, especially in Catholic churches. While the scenes may not be recreated exactly, common pairs, such as Madonna and Child, appear consistently in art from the Middle Ages. Scenes such as these were relatable for many believers, as they reflected scripture and offered visual representations of Christ and his life. This censer appears to have been made of a copper alloy (bronze). Its scenes come in the form of crudely carved characters and objects, all rendered in high relief. Three suspension rings are present on the rim of the lamp, a sign that chains would have likely been connected to the lamp. Additionally, there is a six-petal rosette carved into the lamp’s underside, although its purpose is not clear. There are also various etched designs near the top of the lamp whose purpose/meaning, too, is unknown (Kalavrezou 2003, 202). Why was it made? This lamp was made for religious/spiritual purposes. It was quite common to light oil lamps/burn incense before religious images, as such was considered a propitiatory offering. It was believed that scented smoke accompanied a person’s prayers to heaven and promoted the intercession of that person’s desired saint (Kalavrezou 2003, 202). Additionally, Byzantines assigned great power to religious images (as the images on this censer are not technically icons). The Council of Nicaea suggested that “the honor which is paid to the image passes on to that which the image represents.” It was believed that religious depictions (such as the scenes from the life of Christ present on this lamp) could answer prayers, heal the sick, and provide protection. For these reason, the lamp was also made to reside in and protect the home (“Icons”). Who made it? While the specific creator of the lamp remains unknown, the lamp was presumably made by a specialized craftsman or smith. These craftsmen operated throughout the Byzantine world in cities and villages. Bronze and iron were the most common crafting materials and thus it is very plausible that this lamp was made in a typical crafting shop (“Byzantine Luxury Arts). Additionally, a large number of similar lamps have been discovered across Egypt, Syria, and Turkey, which suggests that they were quite commonplace and possibly made in a number of crafting shops across the Byzantine world. This claim is also supported by the fact that all lamps of this type were not alike. Each had anywhere from four to nine scenes from the life of Christ, and the actual scenes were not consistent across lamps (Gonosova and Kondoleon 1994, 274-77). It seems logical to think that individual workshops would produce lamps of a certain kind, that is, lamps with a common set of scenes. With this assumption, different workshops might have had different templates, so to say; each would have replicated lamps with specific scenes. The scenes themselves and the number of scenes could have been due to any number of factors. Perhaps different areas assigned greater importance to certain scenes of Christ. It seems unlikely that individual workshops would have produced a variety of lamps when mass-producing one style makes more sense, given that the lost-wax process could have been used with each replica to create another replica and so on. Where was it produced? Given that similar lamps were discovered in Egypt, Syria, and Turkey, this lamp is postulated to have originated in the Holy Land, a central location for all three. Most obviously, however, depictions of Jesus and other religious/biblical figures point to the Holy Land as a place of production, as this censer was most likely made as a veneration object, meant to be used for religious purposes. Additionally, this censer shares motifs and compositional units with Syro-Palestinian art, also suggesting that it might have come from the Holy Land. From this, it is deduced that perhaps lamps such as this one were taken home as a token of a person’s pilgrimage. This could explain the variation among and prevalence of lamps. The images do appear to be both places of pilgrimage and places of scriptural significance. In addition to their biblical significance (as is explained above), these places continued to be visited long after the death of Jesus. Pilgrims would have viewed them as spots for veneration—as a way to, in a sense, relive Jesus’s life. Because the scenes are displayed chronologically, however, an argument can be made that they are meant to map places of spiritual significance rather than pilgrimage. It would make sense to depict pilgrimage spots in the order they would be visited, but because many of the spots are in the same general area, this argument may not hold (Gonosova and Kondoleon 1994, 274-77). Where did it go? Similar lamps have been found in Egypt, Syria, and Turkey, but it is difficult to deduce the path of travel of this lamp. If the Holy Land hypothesis is true, this lamp was carried out from the Arabian Peninsula to another region of the Byzantine empire and plausibly used by a single family for worship (Gonosova and Kondoleon 1994, 274-77). Gonosova’s analysis also suggests that this censer might have originated in Egypt. A nearly identical censer at the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts bears resemblance to several other censers with accepted Egyptian provenance, suggesting that production may not have been limited to a central location such as the Holy Land. It can also be hypothesized that censers which may have come from the Holy Land were reproduced in the areas to which they were brought by pilgrims and others. That is, original copies from the Holy Land were replicated and further disseminated to other areas surrounding the Holy Land. When was it made? While it is generally believed that this lamp was made between the 6th and 9th century, there is no clear evidence to support this claim. According to the Harvard Art Museum, it belongs to a class of censers from the 6th and 7th century, a time during which many pilgrims made their way to the Holy Land to pay homage to Christ. While this claim is unsubstantiated, it is plausible, given that the scenes on the lamp correspond to various location the pilgrims might have gone to relive/honor the experiences of Christ (e.g. going to the Jordan River). According to the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, this censer bears resemblance to oil ampullae from the Holy Land because of its selection of subjects. These oil ampullae for a “distinct and homogenous” group that can be dated to the 6th/7th century. However, while oil ampullae had well-executed inscriptions to corroborate their dating, censers were rarely inscribed and were much less homogenous, suggesting that they were made over a long period of time and thus are difficult to date (Gonosova and Kondoleon 1994, 274-77). How was it used? This lamp/censer was presumably suspended from a bar or hook and filled with oil or incense, which was then burned. As described above, the three suspension rings suggest that three connected chains were attached to the censer, connecting it to the aforementioned bar or hook. Additionally, images of a very similar lamp from the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts show chains attached, confirming, at least, that chains accompanied this censer. However, it can also be argued that the censer was held by its chains, as is common in various churches during incense rituals. It seems more likely that the censer was hung though, due to the fact that families would incorporate it in their worship. That is, they would need their hands free during prayer. The woman of the house was charged with keeping the flame of the lamp burning constantly, suggesting that the presence of a lit lamp brought about/maintained a religious presence in the house (Kalavrezou 2003, 202). How was it made? This lamp was made by way of the lost wax process. An original lamp was first modeled in wax. Then, this model was covered in damp clay, with the exception of a small hole. The clay was then left to dry. When the clay was sufficiently dry, the model was inverted and heated to allow the wax to drain out of the small hole. This cast was then cut in half. Following this, a core mold was made to allow molten metal to shape itself. Finally, molten metal was poured into the cast and around the core to create a metal model/cast of the original lamp. Material Composition According to the Harvard Art Museum, this lamp is made of a mixed copper alloy. The alloying elements include copper, tin, lead, and zinc. Other elements include iron, nickel, silver, antimony, and arsenic. Identifier Museum inventory number or library shelf number 1975.41.140 Sources and Further Reading Bibliographic material related to the object Bibliography "Byzantine Luxury Arts." ABC-CLIO. http://ancienthistory.abc-clio.com/Search/Display/1510775?terms=metalworking&sType=multi.   Caseau, Beatrice. "Incense and Fragrances: from House to Church." Unpublished typescript, April 6, 2007. Accessed October 10, 2016. http://www.academia.edu/494438/From_house_to_church_the_introduction_of_incense.   Didron, Adolphe Napoleon. Christian Iconography. Translated by E. J. Millington. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1851.   Gonosova, Anna, and Christine Kondoleon. "Censer." In Art of Late Rome and Byzantium, 274-77. Richmond: Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, 1994.   Kalavrezou, Ioli. "Lamp/Incense Burner with Scenes from the Life of Christ." In Byzantine Women and Their World, 202. Cambridge: Harvard University Art Museum, 2003.   Maguire, Henry. "Style and Ideology in Byzantine Imperial Art." Gesta 28, no. 2 (1989): 217-31.   National Gallery of Art. "Icons." National Gallery of Art. Accessed October 8, 2016. http://www.nga.gov/content/ngaweb/features/byzantine/icons.html.   Noble, Joseph Veach. "The Wax of the Lost Wax Process." American Journal of Archaeology 79, no. 4 (October 1975): 368-69.   President and Fellows of Harvard College. "Lamp or Censer with Scenes from the Life of Christ." Harvard Art Museums. Accessed October 24, 2016. http://www.harvardartmuseums.org/art/215371.   Rautman, Marcus. "Byzantine Art." ABC-CLIO. http://ancienthistory.abc-clio.com/Search/Display/1510778?terms=byzantine+art&sType=multi.   von Grunebaum, G. E. "Byzantine Iconoclasm and the Influence of the Islamic Environment." History of Religions 2, no. 1 (Summer 1962): 1-10.   Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lamp/Censer with Scenes from the Life of Christ Lamp/Censer with Scenes from the Life of Christ Subject The topic of the resource Lamp/Censer Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Tim Cammarata Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Harvard Art Museum Description An account of the resource This is a bronze/copper alloy lamp/censer with five scenes from the life of Christ: the Annunciation, the Nativity, the Baptism, the Crucifixion, and the Women at the Tomb. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Tim Cammarata Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 6th-9th century Type The nature or genre of the resource Lamp/Censer https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/cb51-16/original/3aaf750398cf9fd7a1403ba4bc1989f3.jpg 4534217a4292dd2d38e27fdb26eae2fb Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Cassone of Petrarch's "Triumphs" and Roman Processions Description An account of the resource Northern Italian Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived http://www.harvardartmuseums.org/collections/object/227634?position=3 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Harvard Art Museums Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource ca. 1470-1500 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Walnut with carved and burned decoration, 57.2 x 175.3 x 53.3 cm Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Unidentified Artist Type The nature or genre of the resource Carving, Furniture https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/cb51-16/original/d726b39f6fe0f2e3dd63b11f2d1d292a.png f4c2ca4ef526c86be094afaccb237b7d Physical Object An inanimate, three-dimensional object or substance. Note that digital representations of, or surrogates for, these objects should use Moving Image, Still Image, Text or one of the other types. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Double-Sided Icon with the Virgin Hodegetria and the Man of Sorrows Description An account of the resource This is a twelfth-century Byzantine panel painting depicting the Virgin Hodegetria on one side and the Man of Sorrows on the other. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Unknown Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Helen C. Evans and William D. Wixom, The Glory of Byzantium , p. 125. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Twelfth Century Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Jason Rosenberg Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Byzantine Museum, Kastoria, Greece